How President Obama Lost His Shirt to John Boehner
The House, under
the leadership of Speaker John Boehner, has precipitated a postponement in the
debt ceiling fight until May. This represents a strategic choice by Boehner to
make the Sequester fight, not the debt ceiling fight, the next major
engagement. Much of the mainstream media now is accusing Congress of “kicking
the can down the road.” They are missing the strategic implications.
In retrospect, at
the Battle at Fiscal Cliff, Boehner took President Obama to the cleaners.
He did it suavely, without histrionics. While Obama churlishly, and in a
politically amateurish manner, publicly strutted about having forced the Republicans to
raise tax rates on “the wealthiest Americans” Boehner, quietly, was pocketing
his winnings.
Dazzled by
Obama’s Ozymandias-scale sneer most liberals failed to notice that Boehner
quietly made 99% of the Bush tax cuts permanent. As Boehner himself dryly
observed, in an interview with The Wall Street
Journal’s editorial board member Steve Moore, “”Who would have ever
guessed that we could make 99% of the Bush tax cuts permanent? When we had a
Republican House and Senate and a Republican in the White House, we couldn’t
get that. And so, not bad.’”
“Not bad” is a
resounding understatement. Dealt a weak hand, Boehner managed to 99% outfox, on
tax policy, a president who had the massive apparatus of the executive branch,
the Senate majority, and a left-leaning national elite media whooping it up for
a whopping tax increase. Even more impressively, Boehner pulled it off with
steady nerves while under heavy pressure from the anti-spending hawks in his
own caucus.
Boehner, deftly,
also dramatically raised the threshold, on which Obama had campaigned, at which
the modest 3.6% rate increase kicked in. Yet his biggest win may have been in
making the Alternative Minimum Tax patch permanent. This changes the baseline
with profoundly positive implications for future tax reform and economic
growth.
Boehner thereby
won a triple jackpot, a bonanza for conservatives and supply-siders … while
Obama, giving up all that for a trivial symbolic victory, lost his Progressive
shirt. The mainstream media, with a few exceptions such as Howard Kurtz at the Daily Beast, was too deep in the tank to report
that the Emperor has no clothes.
But Obama ended
up, at least, shirtless. Next … off come the pants. Here come the real spending
cuts. As reported by Moore, Boehner privately told Obama “’Mr. President, we
have a very serious spending problem.’ He repeated this message so often, he
says, that toward the end of the negotiations, the president became irritated
and said: ‘I’m getting tired of hearing you say that.’”
Boehner, last
week, again bested Obama by pushing the debt ceiling fight back to May. This is
a double whammy by Boehner. According to specialists, by structuring the law to allow new borrowing
only to the extent of obligations “outstanding on May 19, 2013, exceeds the
face amount of such obligations outstanding on the date of the enactment of
this Act” Boehner effectively instituted a spending freeze. This, in the face
of Obama’s relentless demand for even more spending, is a victory for
anti-profligacy hawks.
There’s a much
bigger whammy embedded. Pushing the debt ceiling fight back to May, as the New York
Times put it, “re-sequenced” the fight. Re-sequencing was not an
idle gesture. It was a major tactical win by the House. The Times reported
that “’The president stared down the Republicans. They blinked,’ said Senator
Charles E. Schumer, Democrat of New York.” Schumer speaks with macho naiveté.
The Democrats,
apparently, still don’t know what Boehner has hit them with. Thanks to the Sequester
anti-profligacy conservatives now negotiate from strength. What are the
implications of putting the Sequester fight before the debt ceiling fight?
Steve Moore:
“The Republicans’
stronger card, Mr. Boehner believes, will be the automatic spending sequester
trigger that trims all discretionary programs—defense and domestic. It now
appears that the president made a severe political miscalculation when he came
up with the sequester idea in 2011.
“As Mr. Boehner
tells the story: Mr. Obama was sure Republicans would call for ending the
sequester—the other ‘cliff’—because it included deep defense cuts. But
Republicans never raised the issue. ‘It wasn’t until literally last week
[columnist’s note: just before the deadline] that the White House brought up replacing
the sequester,’ Mr. Boehner says. ‘They said, ‘We can’t have the sequester.’
They were always counting on us to bring this to the table.”
“Mr. Boehner says
he has significant Republican support, including GOP defense hawks, on his side
for letting the sequester do its work. ‘I got that in my back pocket,’ the
speaker says. He is counting on the president’s liberal base putting pressure
on him when cherished domestic programs face the sequester’s sharp knife.
Republican willingness to support the sequester, Mr. Boehner says, is ‘as much
leverage as we’re going to get.’”
Will the support
of the defense hawks hold? It appears Boehner’s not bluffing. Although Obama’s
outgoing defense secretary, Leon Panetta, infamously called the sequester “catastrophic,” the secretary obviously is falling back on
the old bureaucratic tactic called “squealing louder than it hurts.” The Washington
Post afterward called Panetta “the former (emphasis added)
deficit hawk.”
As the Center for
Strategic and International Studies, and nobody’s patsy, crisply notes about the Sequester: “This cut is significant
to be sure, but it does not reach that of previous postwar drawdowns.”
Catastrophic? Oh
please. Panetta surely knows better. The Post reprised a younger
Panetta who, at a 1992 hearing (when the deficit was less than half its current
size), stated “I think the most dangerous threat to our national security right
now is debt, very heavy debt, that we confront in this country.”
“As chairman of
the House Budget Committee and later as budget director in the Clinton
administration, Panetta was an unforgiving enforcer of the bottom line as the
United States grappled with record-size debts. As the largest government
agency, the Pentagon found itself a frequent target of his whip, especially as
it struggled to justify its missions in the aftermath of the Cold War.
“’I think the
most dangerous threat to our national security right now is debt, very heavy
debt, that we confront in this country,’ Panetta lectured then-Defense
Secretary Richard B. Cheney and Gen. Colin L. Powell, the chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, during a hearing in 1992.”
It now should be
clear to every Tea Party Patriot that Boehner is acting with integrity, with
acute political sophistication, as an authentic conservative serious about
reducing the debt by reducing spending. His claim, to Moore, that “he has
significant Republican support, including GOP defense hawks … for letting the
sequester do its work,” promises to be a game changer.
Given the
assessments by sober defense analysts — and according to other, private,
reports from Capitol Hill — there is no reason to think that Boehner is
bluffing about having the support he needs to take the Sequester or barter it
for even better cuts. And Boehner’s abhorrence of debt appears completely
authentic. Moore: “He sees debt as almost a moral failing, noting that when he
grew up in a little middle-class, blue-collar neighborhood’ outside of
Cincinnati, ‘nobody had debt. It was unheard of. I just don’t do debt’.”
Boehner, having
shrewdly identified the conservatives’ point of maximum leverage, appears
poised for an historic victory. Boehner may prove himself to be the guy big
enough and smart enough finally to engineer something that eluded even the
great Reagan: pushing federal spending onto a downward trajectory.
If Boehner succeeds
in closing the deal as he, with a critical assist from Senate Minority Leader
McConnell, seems about to do he will go down in history as having brought about
“the moment when the rise of the oceans (of debt) began to slow” … and our
republic “began to heal.”
If so John Boehner will deserve to be more than a
Republican, conservative, and tea party, hero. He will go up in popular esteem,
and down in history, as the master who staunched Washington’s hemorrhaging of
America’s wealth.
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